As Israeli airstrikes continued across Iran, targeting major cities and infrastructure, a parallel campaign of mass arrests and intimidation also unfolded within the country. This wave of repression has sped up since the announcement of a fragile but essential and welcome ceasefire. Individuals are being detained under sweeping accusations, including espionage for Israel and “disturbing public opinion.” This marks the realization of longstanding warnings from Iran’s civil society: any foreign military aggression would provide the government with a pretext for intensifying repression, silencing dissent, and dismantling civil liberties.
From the earliest hours of the bombings, Iranian authorities claimed that Mossad-linked operatives inside Iran coordinated some strikes. The judiciary quickly vowed harsh punishment for those “inciting unrest” on social media, sharing footage with foreign press, or expressing any perceived support for Israeli attacks. These individuals, they warned, would face wartime penalties and maximum sentences.
In the twelve days since the beginning of Israel’s illegal attacks on Iran, at least six individuals in Iran who had previously been sentenced to death on charges of espionage for Israel have been executed.
On June 16, Esmaeil Fekri was executed on charges of spying for Israel. On Sunday, June 22, the judiciary’s media center announced the execution of Majid Masibi, who had been convicted of “Corruption on Earth” and “Enmity against God” through espionage for Israel. One day later, on June 23, another individual, Mohammad-Amin Mahdavi Shayesteh, was also executed on charges of spying for Israel.
On June 25, Edris Ali and Azad Shojaei, two Kurdish citizens from Sardasht, along with Rasoul Ahmad Rasoul, a Kurdish citizen from the city of Qaladze in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq—who had previously been sentenced to death on charges of “Enmity against God” and “Corruption on Earth” through collaboration and espionage for Israel—were executed in Urmia Central Prison.
The Targeting and Bombing of Evin Prison by Israel and its Impact on the Most Vulnerable
Following Israel’s attack on Evin Prison in Tehran on June 23, which caused extensive destruction to several wards, the visitation building, the courthouse, and the infirmary, inmates were swiftly transferred to other facilities across Tehran province. After the strike, the Israeli military claimed Evin Prison had been targeted as a “symbol of tyranny” in the Islamic Republic.
However, the reality is that some of the most defenseless individuals were caught in the crossfire during this attack: prisoners with no means of escape, families of detainees who were outside the prison or courthouse handling administrative matters, conscripted soldiers stationed there by obligation, and civilian staff working at the prison.
The United Nations Office for Human Rights described Israel’s attack on Evin Prison as a “grave violation” of international law, stating: “Evin Prison does not constitute a military target, and targeting it amounts to a serious breach of international humanitarian law.”
Although Iran’s judiciary has not yet released official figures on the casualties and injuries resulting from the strike, unofficial reports from the families of prisoners—who visited the prison afterward to inquire about their loved ones—suggest that the number of fatalities is significant. The majority of the victims are believed to be families of detainees, conscripted soldiers, and administrative staff. Additionally, due to damage to high-security wards such as Ward 209—run by the Ministry of Intelligence—some political and security prisoners have also been injured. Medical personnel, including doctors and nurses present in the prison’s infirmary at the time, are reported to be among the dead. Recent reports confirm that the status of detainees indicates that all female political prisoners have now been transferred to Qarchak Prison in Varamin. The male prisoners have been relocated to the Greater Tehran Central Prison. Both Qarchak and Greater Tehran prisons were previously known for poor conditions and a lack of basic facilities. With the influx of new detainees and increased overcrowding, the living conditionssituation in these facilities is expected to deteriorate even further.
The evacuation of Evin Prison and the relocation of its inmates have long been a source of concern among civil society activists in Iran. For years, rumors have suggested that the prison site may be handed over to Shahid Beheshti University. Activists have opposed this plan, stressing that Evin—both before and after the 1979 revolution—has served as a site of detention, torture, and execution for thousands of political prisoners. They argue that the prison grounds must be preserved for future investigations and truth-telling once the current regime falls. Now, with Israel’s recent attack on Evin, there are growing concerns that the long-feared demolition of the prison may quietly be underway.
Arrest and Intimidation of Civil Society Activist
Shortly after the bombing began, Motahareh Gonaei, a student activist, and Mostafa Mehraeen, a sociologist, were arrested for criticizing the government and blaming it for the outbreak of war.
Hassan Bagherinia, a former professor at Hakim Sabzevari University, and his wife, Fatemeh Navardi, were arrested after he posted a video accusing the government of using crises to silence dissent.
On June 20, Hossein Mirbahari, a well-known child rights advocate and founder of the Society for the Protection of Street and Working Children, was arrested in Tehran by six plainclothes officers. His whereabouts remain unknown.
According to the Kurdistan Human Rights Network, nine residents of Mahabad — Pouya Nasiri, Soroush Yousefzadeh, Omid Rahsh, Shaho Mahmoudi, Mehran Khediripour, Souran Safari, Keyvan Mamegoli, Asad Rasoulzadeh, and Nouraldin Dodkanlou Milan, Nazanin Abedini, Noyan Hijazi, have been arrested by security forces in recent days and taken to undisclosed locations.
In addition to civil society activists, several family members of individuals killed during the “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests have also been detained. Reports indicate that Majid Naderkhani, father of Matin; Ali Mohammadi, father of Shahriar; and Feizollah Azarnoosh, father of Pedram—all killed in the uprising- were arrested by Iranian security forces.
Arrests Over Online Content
According to HRANA and based on official reports, at least 281 individuals have been arrested within the twelve days following the start of the war, facing charges such as “spreading public disinformation,” “propaganda against the regime,” and “disturbing public psychological security.” These widespread arrests have occurred across various provinces in Iran. Most of them have been announced without naming the detainees, and the charges are typically vague and broadly defined, raising serious concerns that, in the current climate, almost any form of expression may be interpreted as criminal and prosecuted as such.
Additionally, on the very first day of the ceasefire, Iran’s Ministry of Justice sent mass text messages to citizens’ mobile phones, warning them that joining, following, commenting on, or even liking pages associated with Israel on social media would be considered a criminal act and could lead to prosecution.
Widespread Arrests on Charges of Espionage for Israel
In addition to the mass arrests related to online activity, an unprecedented wave of detentions has taken place on charges of espionage, raising serious concerns about the safety and legal rights of the accused. On June 25, the semi-official Fars News Agency—affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)—reported that since the outbreak of war between Israel and Iran, “Iranian intelligence and security forces have arrested more than 700 individuals over the past 12 days.”
According to the report, the highest numbers of arrests have occurred in the provinces of Kermanshah (126 people), Isfahan (76), Khuzestan (62), Fars (53), and Lorestan (49). No precise figures have yet been released for Tehran province. The charges against these detainees, according to the report, include “operating drones and UAVs, constructing homemade explosives, filming military sites, and transmitting information” to the Israeli military.
According to Fars News Agency, during this same period, a foreign national was also arrested in the province of Hormozgan on charges of espionage. In recent years, Iran has detained numerous foreign nationals and tourists—particularly from Western countries—on espionage charges. Western governments have repeatedly condemned these arrests as acts of “hostage-taking,” asserting that they are politically motivated and aimed at securing diplomatic leverage or concessions.
One of the groups increasingly targeted by these accusations is Afghan migrants in Iran. Unconfirmed reports over the past two weeks indicate that dozens of Afghan nationals have been arrested on charges of spying for Israel. These arrests, set against the backdrop of recent xenophobic and hate-fueled campaigns against Afghan refugees, have sparked serious concern among human rights observers.
In a state television broadcast, two Afghan migrants were shown in a coerced confession, accused of espionage for Israel. Security forces alleged that the two had sent the location of Iran’s state broadcasting agency (IRIB) to Mossad via WhatsApp—an accusation widely ridiculed and criticized on Iranian social media. Many questioned the validity of the claim, asking, “Is the location of IRIB a secret?”
In addition, Iran’s Baha’i community—long subjected to systemic persecution—has once again come under threat. For years, Baha’is have faced recurring accusations of “ties to Israel,” a charge rooted in the location of the Baha’i World Centre in Haifa. Over the past two weeks, several pro-government users on the social media platform X have publicly called on Iranians to report their Baha’i neighbors to security agencies as potential Israeli spies. On June 15th, Mohammad Ghaderi, a self-proclaimed international affairs expert, stated in an interview with OnNewsMedia—a media outlet aligned with the government narrative—that security forces had arrested 72 individuals allegedly connected to Mossad, claiming many of them had ties to the Baha’i community.
According to reports, Arman Nikaein, Iman Rahmat Panah, and Navid Tashakor, three Baha’i citizens, were arrested in recent days. The reason for their arrests remains unclear.
Deteriorating Prison Conditions and Risk to Detainees
In the days following Israel’s attacks, families of prisoners, particularly political prisoners, repeatedly raised alarms over the heightened risk their loved ones faced under wartime conditions. They called on the judiciary to grant furloughs or conditional release to inmates.
On Wednesday, June 18, eight political prisoners submitted a letter to Gholamhossein Mohseni-Ejei, the head of Iran’s judiciary, requesting release on bail or surety. They warned that Iran’s prisons—particularly Ward 8 of Evin Prison—lack even the most basic safety infrastructure to withstand missile or drone strikes. Despite these urgent appeals, the judiciary ignored the requests. No wartime furloughs were granted, and prisoners remained confined under increasingly dangerous conditions.
In a short video that went viral, Mehraveh Khandan—the daughter of prominent human rights lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh and Reza Khandan—was seen crying uncontrollably as she spoke about her imprisoned father. Referring to the Israeli military’s evacuation orders for areas near Evin Prison, she asked in anguish: “My father is in prison. How is he supposed to follow the evacuation orders and leave the area designated by the Israeli army?”
Following the June 23 attack on Evin Prison, these warnings tragically became reality. Although neither the judiciary nor the Iranian Prison Organization have officially commented on the extent of the destruction, videos circulating online and reports from detainees indicate substantial damage to several sections of the facility. The affected areas reportedly include parts of the women’s political ward, men’s wards, the prison infirmary, visitation hall, administrative buildings, as well as high-security wards such as 209, 240, and 241. At the time of this writing, there remains no available information about the current condition or whereabouts of prisoners previously held in these high-security wards.
Concerns Over Escalating Executions: Echoes of 1988
Threats issued by Iranian security institutions at the outset of the war, promising severe punishments for anyone accused of collaborating with Israel, have greatly intensified anxieties within civil society. Human rights activists, recalling the mass executions of political prisoners in the summer of 1988, have warned that the lives of political prisoners—especially those already sentenced to death—are now at heightened risk.
On June 23, the Iranian parliament passed legislation introducing harsher penalties for alleged collaborators with foreign enemy states. Officially titled the “Bill on Intensifying Punishments for Espionage and Cooperation with the Zionist Regime and Hostile States Against National Security and National Interests,” the law contains nine articles. Under this new legislation, any intelligence activity, espionage, or practical actions deemed to benefit the Israeli government, the United States, other hostile states, or affiliated entities, which threaten national security or interests, are classified as “corruption on earth” and carry the death penalty as outlined in Article 286 of Iran’s Islamic Penal Code.
Currently, two female political prisoners, Pakhshan Azizi and Varisheh Moradi, have final death sentences. Another female political prisoner, Sharifeh Mohammadi, who has been sentenced to death twice, is awaiting the outcome of her appeal. Following Israel’s attack on Evin Prison, Pakhshan Azizi and Varisheh Moradi, along with other female political prisoners, were transferred to Qarchak Prison in Varamin, while Sharifeh Mohammadi remains imprisoned at Lakan Prison in Rasht.
In the early days of Israel’s attacks, Varisheh Moradi, together with three other female political prisoners, released a letter condemning the attacks on Iran, the killing of civilians, and the destruction of the country’s infrastructure. The letter stated, “Future generations will remember with shame those who celebrate on the corpses of defenseless people.”
Ahmadreza Djalali, an Iranian-Swedish researcher imprisoned in Iran since 2016 and sentenced to death on charges of espionage for Israel, is currently at risk of imminent execution. His wife, Vida Mehran-Nia, announced in a tweet that following the transfer of male inmates from Evin Prison to Greater Tehran Prison, her husband was moved to an unknown location.
Djalali was arrested nine years ago while returning to Sweden after attending a conference in Iran. Human rights organizations and Djalali’s legal representatives have consistently rejected the Iranian judiciary’s accusations of espionage, stating that these charges are fabricated and the result of deliberate efforts by Iranian security agencies.
Demands of Civil Society
While the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic has refrained from officially declaring a state of war despite continuous bombardment of Tehran and other Iranian cities, the judicial and security authorities have nevertheless invoked “wartime conditions” to justify threats, mass arrests, and severe sentencing.
This troubling situation has raised profound concerns among human rights organizations, activists, and Iranian civil society.
We at Femena call upon the Iranian judiciary to uphold the fundamental rights of all detainees, ensure their access to independent legal counsel, and guarantee fair, transparent, and public trials. The current opaque and secretive judicial processes clearly violate basic principles of justice and human rights in Iran:
- All political prisoners, as well as other detainees who qualify for temporary release or furlough, must be immediately granted these measures, particularly under wartime conditions that directly threaten their lives.
- The Islamic Republic must cease its practice of mass arrests based on vague charges or for merely expressing dissenting opinions. No individual should face threats or imprisonment solely for exercising their fundamental right to freedom of expression.
- We also call upon international bodies, including the United Nations and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, to deploy independent monitors to assess and report on the conditions facing Iranian citizens, detainees, displaced persons, and damaged infrastructure.
- We urge the international community to recognize and amplify the peaceful, independent voices of Iranian civil society, clearly distinguishing them from extremist, warmongering, and state-affiliated narratives.
Our ultimate demand is the defense of life, human dignity, lasting peace, social justice, and democracy—not through warfare and occupation, but through the strength, solidarity, and resilience of grassroots movements and the Iranian people themselves.